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Valuable lessons from Rick Perry's failed campaign
Corpus Christi Caller Times
CORPUS CHRISTI — Perhaps someday presidential elections will be won the way Gov. Rick
Perry won re-election in Texas in 2010 — on his terms, controlling his message through scripted
appearances and targeted social media, refusing to debate opponents or face the hard questions of
newspaper editorial boards.
If that day comes, corporations really will be people. The president will be what amounts to a
corporation, or at least the product of one, selected and developed in R&D-like fashion, packaged
carefully for voter consumption and shipped to market through a strategic route that avoids
delays and obstacles such as viable, articulate opponents.
Let's hope the current system, flawed as it is, endures. It sure beats what Perry pulled off in his
gubernatorial run. The people still need to see how candidates stand up to each other in a debate
armed only with their looks, their intellect and the timbre of their voices. The people deserve to
see how candidates answer questions they didn't expect from neutral or hostile questioners they
can't control, in debates and news media interviews and at town hall meetings.
Advertisements, social media and all other campaign scripting are an important demonstration of
a candidate's abilities. But the power to squelch discourse as Perry did in 2010 amounts to a
bloodless coup. Let's hope the lesson in Perry's successes and failures is that what he pulled off in
2010 should be a one-time anomaly rather than a template for national dominance.
The Republican presidential primary system that Perry couldn't control performed the crucial
function of exposing his lack of fitness for the office — exposure that Texas voters in 2010 were
denied. The nation needs a president — the Republicans need a nominee — who is
well-informed, can articulate his or her positions and challenge those of opponents convincingly.
The nation also needs those qualities in a vice president. The eventual Republican nominee
should keep that in mind when selecting a running mate. The lone quality Perry has shown that
the nominee might appreciate, other than good looks, is a curious flexibility we didn't know he
possessed until he endorsed Newt Gingrich. We'd have thought Gingrich way too liberal and
morally suspect to win Perry's vote — and that not choosing stridently monogamous,
anti-abortion, anti-gay, fiscally conservative Rick Santorum was downright disloyal to Perry's
stated principles and most ardent evangelical supporters.
If nothing else, the end to Perry's campaign promises immediate relief to Texas taxpayers from
the exorbitant costs of his traveling security detail, estimated at $400,000 a month. Beyond that,
the only benefit we see is that he'll have fewer opportunities to embarrass Texas on a national
stage.
The campaign cost Texas dearly in other ways. Perry manipulated the Legislature to establish his
campaign credentials, severely cutting our children's education to establish his fiscal
conservatism and undermining women's rights to establish his anti-abortion social conservatism.
The Dallas Morning News observed in an editorial Friday that Perry has three years left on his
term and that "what Texas needs now is his best leadership, a pragmatism and wisdom born of
lessons learned in defeat." We commend that high road and wish we could chance it. But, based
on Perry's performance and predilections, that road is a dangerous washout. What, his supporters
may ask, about Texas' thriving economy under his leadership? We know, and so do they, that
Texas' economic performance occurs neither because of nor despite him, but independent of him
— as it should, according to the political philosophy he espouses.
So, based on Perry's performance, the constitutional limits on the powers of his office, and his
oft-stated belief in less government, Texas' best hope for the remainder of his term is that he
govern as little as possible. That's a road we could walk with him, arm in arm.
Editorial: Homework for state lawmakers
The Dallas Morning News
Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst’s latest homework assignments for Senate committees reflect some
solid priorities for next year’s lawmaking session. But there continue to be blind spots that need
to be cleared up. From the “interim charges” issued last week:
Transportation
Dewhurst wants an examination of the way Texas pays for building and maintaining its highway
network and the long-term impact on debt financing. That’s important and overdue.
Lawmakers have turned to huge borrowing programs to pay for road projects while refusing to
talk seriously about new revenue. That’s chicken politics and short-term thinking. As interest on
borrowing gobbles bigger chunks of transportation dollars, lawmakers need to see where that
road is leading.
One thing lawmakers are asked to examine is “the total cost of vehicle ownership,” which is a
good way to get into the relatively low vehicle registration fees Texans pay. That’s one place to
raise new road money. Boosting the motor fuels tax for the first time since 1991 is another.
Dewhurst also wants to hear ways to educate the public about the state’s struggle to afford
projects that keep pace with population growth. Without major new debt, for example, TxDOT’s
Dallas district would not have the green light to replace the I-30 and I-35 bridges downtown.
Texas can’t borrow its way out of congestion, and the public needs to understand that. Dewhurst
is as tax-averse as anybody, but he has a responsibility to look out for Texas’ future.
Criminal justice
One trend emerging from the legal system involves accusations of misconduct by prosecutors.
These have arisen in high-profile exoneration cases where prosecutors failed to divulge
exculpatory evidence as constitutionally required. Dewhurst’s charges don’t cite this
phenomenon, and they should have.
Lawmakers have a duty to examine possible safeguards against abuse, including a requirement
that prosecuting and defense attorneys share files before trial. If the state has a flimsy case against
someone, it’s crucial to find out before an innocent person spends years in prison, letting the real
perpetrators run free.
Dewhurst was smart to instruct lawmakers to work on one thing that has bedeviled the Dallas
County courthouse: freewheeling practices in the bail bond industry.
Lobbyists for bondsmen have given them a cushy comfort zone where they can artificially
manipulate the value of property used as collateral on bonds, thereby boosting their profits.
Lawmakers should find ways to clean up this mess of their own making.
Committee members also are asked to study school disciplinary practices, a legitimate area of
concern. Black students are three times more likely than whites to be removed from school for
lower-level offenses.
Lawmakers must see if and where evenhandedness is off kilter in discretionary punishment.
Public schools should not be part of a “cradle-to-prison” pipeline that contributes to a higher
incarceration rate for black males.
Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst should also require analysis of:
Straight-ticket voting. One-punch voters dominate the balloting in Dallas County and elsewhere
in a mindless approach to picking qualified officeholders. It cries out for reform.
Stronger pipeline of teachers. Lawmakers should pick up where they left off last session to insure
teachers are better qualified when they reach the classroom and nurtured better afterward.
Improved middle schools. Middle grades are make-or-break years and the state should focus
resources and innovation on them. Lawmakers should identify best practices.
Future reservoirs. Dewhurst already ordered study of water resources and drought, but he was
silent on ways to pay for future reservoirs. There’s time to add that before next year.
What will Texas voting maps look like now?
Fort Worth Star-Telegram
Now that the Supreme Court has said that voting maps issued by a trio of federal judges can't be
used for Texas' elections this year, can things move forward for the April 3 party primaries?
Well, yes, but not quite yet.
Texas still doesn't have maps approved for use, so the judicial panel in San Antonio might have
to quickly draw another set.
But this time, the lines will have to adhere more closely to plans the Legislature adopted for the
statehouse and congressional districts.
That's the upshot of a unanimous Supreme Court ruling Friday.
For the many moving parts involved in holding elections to get back on track, the next set of
maps from the San Antonio court would have to be something all the parties involved can live
with for one cycle. Otherwise, litigation will continue to threaten the likelihood that the primaries
can be pulled off as currently scheduled.
They were already moved from March to April because of court battles. County election officials
have said they need maps by Feb. 1 so they can finalize precinct boundaries, get registration
cards out to voters and prepare ballots and voting machines.
The Republican and Democratic parties were planning to open a second, brief filing period in
late January. But, of course, candidates need to know what the districts look like before they
know what to run for.
The electoral turmoil arose partly because the state's redistricting plans haven't yet received
federal approval as required under the Voting Rights Act. Attorney General Greg Abbott opted to
bypass review by the U.S. Justice Department and seek it from a federal court in Washington,
D.C. But that court is just now holding a trial on whether to approve the state's maps; closing
arguments are set for Feb. 3.
Minority groups and various individuals, including state Sen. Wendy Davis and Rep. Marc
Veasey, both Fort Worth Democrats, are arguing in both the Washington and San Antonio courts
that the Legislature's line-drawing deliberately harms the ability of African-Americans and
Latinos to elect their favored representatives.
When it became apparent the state's plans wouldn't be cleared in time for the 2012 primaries, the
San Antonio court produced interim maps. But Abbott asked the Supreme Court to block their
use.
The justices correctly rejected the state's argument that it should be able to use the legislative
maps this year even though they have not been approved yet. And the high court recognized that
the San Antonio panel was in a bind: It couldn't assume that the state's maps were valid but
couldn't assume that they would be rejected, either.
The justices said the court's maps were close to the state's version in some ways but deviated too
far in others. New interim districts, the high court said, should use the state's maps as a starting
point and follow lawmakers' policy judgments except where they obviously or likely violate the
law or "stand a reasonable probability" of not getting the D.C. court's approval.
It's too soon to know what that means for Davis' central Fort Worth Senate district. She has
argued that the Legislature intentionally split African-American and Hispanic neighborhoods that
helped elect her, but the Justice Department, which found fault with the state's House and
congressional redistricting, didn't object to the Senate plan.
Friday's ruling could end the congressional hopes of Veasey and Fort Worth City Council
member Kathleen Hicks. They planned to run for the court-drawn, Tarrant County-centered
District 33, vastly different from the Parker County-dominated district the Legislature preferred.
Because of population gains over the past decade, mostly among Hispanics, Texas gained four
seats in Congress, for 36 total. The Supreme Court said it was unclear whether the panel
designed District 33 to accommodate population growth, which is its job, or to boost the chances
of a minority candidate.
"If the District Court did set out to create a minority coalition district, rather than drawing a
district that simply reflected population growth, it had no basis for doing so," the justices said.
The lawyers and parties are expected to be in Washington until Thursday wrapping up the trial
there. It's going to be a tight squeeze, with a lot of people working virtually nonstop to produce
new interim maps. But the goal should be to draw fair districts and hold elections on schedule.
The process has already cost taxpayers dearly. More costly delays should be avoided if possible.
King poster emblematic of age of irreverence
Houston Chronicle
You might call this a requiem for reverence.
It seems that one Jeffrey Darnell Paul, a graphic artist from Miami Beach, had been tasked with
creating a poster for a strip club's so-called "I Have A Dream Bash" last week in apparent
"honor" of the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. So this genius concocts an image of the nation's
greatest human rights leader holding up a fan of $100 dollar bills like some low rent "playa"
while a scantily clad woman looks on. Paul, let the record show as African-Americans duck their
heads in mortification, is black.
But, though he's the one whose transgression made national news and the one who has been
fielding angry phone calls from sea to shining sea, let the record further show that he is not the
only individual to use King's image that way. A Google search reveals that clubs in at least two
other cities (Pensacola, Fla., and Baltimore) also thought it a grand idea to pair King with barely
dressed hoochie mamas to commemorate what would have been his 83rd birthday had he not
been shot in the face and killed while fighting for freedom and economic justice.
Perhaps we ought not be surprised. It is not exactly a secret that America is a nation of illiterates
where its history is concerned.
But Paul's transgression speaks to more than just the shortcomings of the ignorant. It speaks also
to an overriding shallowness, an obsession with the superficial and trivial that seems
unfortunately characteristic of this era. It was difficult to look on that poster without feeling that,
OK, here we are, this is finally it, the moment when reverence died. But of course, one can hardly
get through the day anymore without feeling that. Reverence dies repeatedly in a nation where
ironic distance and postmodern cynicism are worn like armor to protect against the possibility
one might accidentally feel something profound or hear some deep, affecting truth.
What a difference a generation makes.
Maybe you are old enough to remember when "reverence" became passe and its antonym,
"irreverence," became the byword of American culture. Like a blast of cold air into a stifling
room, it blew away the tyranny of the excessively earnest and the stiffly proper, refused to bow
before cobwebbed notions of propriety, skewered sacred cows with infectious abandon. It was
culture as dividing line, the bright Rubicon between Bob Hope and Lenny Bruce, Henry Fonda
and Jane Fonda, Bing Crosby and Funkadelic. In a real sense, it represented the liberating of the
American mind.
But decades later, it sometimes feels as if irreverence has instituted a tyranny all its own, a ban
against holding anything above the fray, or regarding anything as too sacred for too long. Worse,
this new tyranny seems to portend less the liberating of the American mind than the calcifying of
the American heart against the very notion of sacred things.
So Paul's poster and the event it advertises suggest not just ignorance, but a profound
unseriousness, a sense of emotional retardation unworthy of grownup people. In this, Paul is not
unique. Rather, he is emblematic. For what it's worth, he says it never crossed his mind people
would find his poster offensive.
Actually, that's the most offensive thing about it.
Corpus Christi Caller Times
CORPUS CHRISTI — Perhaps someday presidential elections will be won the way Gov. Rick
Perry won re-election in Texas in 2010 — on his terms, controlling his message through scripted
appearances and targeted social media, refusing to debate opponents or face the hard questions of
newspaper editorial boards.
If that day comes, corporations really will be people. The president will be what amounts to a
corporation, or at least the product of one, selected and developed in R&D-like fashion, packaged
carefully for voter consumption and shipped to market through a strategic route that avoids
delays and obstacles such as viable, articulate opponents.
Let's hope the current system, flawed as it is, endures. It sure beats what Perry pulled off in his
gubernatorial run. The people still need to see how candidates stand up to each other in a debate
armed only with their looks, their intellect and the timbre of their voices. The people deserve to
see how candidates answer questions they didn't expect from neutral or hostile questioners they
can't control, in debates and news media interviews and at town hall meetings.
Advertisements, social media and all other campaign scripting are an important demonstration of
a candidate's abilities. But the power to squelch discourse as Perry did in 2010 amounts to a
bloodless coup. Let's hope the lesson in Perry's successes and failures is that what he pulled off in
2010 should be a one-time anomaly rather than a template for national dominance.
The Republican presidential primary system that Perry couldn't control performed the crucial
function of exposing his lack of fitness for the office — exposure that Texas voters in 2010 were
denied. The nation needs a president — the Republicans need a nominee — who is
well-informed, can articulate his or her positions and challenge those of opponents convincingly.
The nation also needs those qualities in a vice president. The eventual Republican nominee
should keep that in mind when selecting a running mate. The lone quality Perry has shown that
the nominee might appreciate, other than good looks, is a curious flexibility we didn't know he
possessed until he endorsed Newt Gingrich. We'd have thought Gingrich way too liberal and
morally suspect to win Perry's vote — and that not choosing stridently monogamous,
anti-abortion, anti-gay, fiscally conservative Rick Santorum was downright disloyal to Perry's
stated principles and most ardent evangelical supporters.
If nothing else, the end to Perry's campaign promises immediate relief to Texas taxpayers from
the exorbitant costs of his traveling security detail, estimated at $400,000 a month. Beyond that,
the only benefit we see is that he'll have fewer opportunities to embarrass Texas on a national
stage.
The campaign cost Texas dearly in other ways. Perry manipulated the Legislature to establish his
campaign credentials, severely cutting our children's education to establish his fiscal
conservatism and undermining women's rights to establish his anti-abortion social conservatism.
The Dallas Morning News observed in an editorial Friday that Perry has three years left on his
term and that "what Texas needs now is his best leadership, a pragmatism and wisdom born of
lessons learned in defeat." We commend that high road and wish we could chance it. But, based
on Perry's performance and predilections, that road is a dangerous washout. What, his supporters
may ask, about Texas' thriving economy under his leadership? We know, and so do they, that
Texas' economic performance occurs neither because of nor despite him, but independent of him
— as it should, according to the political philosophy he espouses.
So, based on Perry's performance, the constitutional limits on the powers of his office, and his
oft-stated belief in less government, Texas' best hope for the remainder of his term is that he
govern as little as possible. That's a road we could walk with him, arm in arm.
Editorial: Homework for state lawmakers
The Dallas Morning News
Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst’s latest homework assignments for Senate committees reflect some
solid priorities for next year’s lawmaking session. But there continue to be blind spots that need
to be cleared up. From the “interim charges” issued last week:
Transportation
Dewhurst wants an examination of the way Texas pays for building and maintaining its highway
network and the long-term impact on debt financing. That’s important and overdue.
Lawmakers have turned to huge borrowing programs to pay for road projects while refusing to
talk seriously about new revenue. That’s chicken politics and short-term thinking. As interest on
borrowing gobbles bigger chunks of transportation dollars, lawmakers need to see where that
road is leading.
One thing lawmakers are asked to examine is “the total cost of vehicle ownership,” which is a
good way to get into the relatively low vehicle registration fees Texans pay. That’s one place to
raise new road money. Boosting the motor fuels tax for the first time since 1991 is another.
Dewhurst also wants to hear ways to educate the public about the state’s struggle to afford
projects that keep pace with population growth. Without major new debt, for example, TxDOT’s
Dallas district would not have the green light to replace the I-30 and I-35 bridges downtown.
Texas can’t borrow its way out of congestion, and the public needs to understand that. Dewhurst
is as tax-averse as anybody, but he has a responsibility to look out for Texas’ future.
Criminal justice
One trend emerging from the legal system involves accusations of misconduct by prosecutors.
These have arisen in high-profile exoneration cases where prosecutors failed to divulge
exculpatory evidence as constitutionally required. Dewhurst’s charges don’t cite this
phenomenon, and they should have.
Lawmakers have a duty to examine possible safeguards against abuse, including a requirement
that prosecuting and defense attorneys share files before trial. If the state has a flimsy case against
someone, it’s crucial to find out before an innocent person spends years in prison, letting the real
perpetrators run free.
Dewhurst was smart to instruct lawmakers to work on one thing that has bedeviled the Dallas
County courthouse: freewheeling practices in the bail bond industry.
Lobbyists for bondsmen have given them a cushy comfort zone where they can artificially
manipulate the value of property used as collateral on bonds, thereby boosting their profits.
Lawmakers should find ways to clean up this mess of their own making.
Committee members also are asked to study school disciplinary practices, a legitimate area of
concern. Black students are three times more likely than whites to be removed from school for
lower-level offenses.
Lawmakers must see if and where evenhandedness is off kilter in discretionary punishment.
Public schools should not be part of a “cradle-to-prison” pipeline that contributes to a higher
incarceration rate for black males.
Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst should also require analysis of:
Straight-ticket voting. One-punch voters dominate the balloting in Dallas County and elsewhere
in a mindless approach to picking qualified officeholders. It cries out for reform.
Stronger pipeline of teachers. Lawmakers should pick up where they left off last session to insure
teachers are better qualified when they reach the classroom and nurtured better afterward.
Improved middle schools. Middle grades are make-or-break years and the state should focus
resources and innovation on them. Lawmakers should identify best practices.
Future reservoirs. Dewhurst already ordered study of water resources and drought, but he was
silent on ways to pay for future reservoirs. There’s time to add that before next year.
What will Texas voting maps look like now?
Fort Worth Star-Telegram
Now that the Supreme Court has said that voting maps issued by a trio of federal judges can't be
used for Texas' elections this year, can things move forward for the April 3 party primaries?
Well, yes, but not quite yet.
Texas still doesn't have maps approved for use, so the judicial panel in San Antonio might have
to quickly draw another set.
But this time, the lines will have to adhere more closely to plans the Legislature adopted for the
statehouse and congressional districts.
That's the upshot of a unanimous Supreme Court ruling Friday.
For the many moving parts involved in holding elections to get back on track, the next set of
maps from the San Antonio court would have to be something all the parties involved can live
with for one cycle. Otherwise, litigation will continue to threaten the likelihood that the primaries
can be pulled off as currently scheduled.
They were already moved from March to April because of court battles. County election officials
have said they need maps by Feb. 1 so they can finalize precinct boundaries, get registration
cards out to voters and prepare ballots and voting machines.
The Republican and Democratic parties were planning to open a second, brief filing period in
late January. But, of course, candidates need to know what the districts look like before they
know what to run for.
The electoral turmoil arose partly because the state's redistricting plans haven't yet received
federal approval as required under the Voting Rights Act. Attorney General Greg Abbott opted to
bypass review by the U.S. Justice Department and seek it from a federal court in Washington,
D.C. But that court is just now holding a trial on whether to approve the state's maps; closing
arguments are set for Feb. 3.
Minority groups and various individuals, including state Sen. Wendy Davis and Rep. Marc
Veasey, both Fort Worth Democrats, are arguing in both the Washington and San Antonio courts
that the Legislature's line-drawing deliberately harms the ability of African-Americans and
Latinos to elect their favored representatives.
When it became apparent the state's plans wouldn't be cleared in time for the 2012 primaries, the
San Antonio court produced interim maps. But Abbott asked the Supreme Court to block their
use.
The justices correctly rejected the state's argument that it should be able to use the legislative
maps this year even though they have not been approved yet. And the high court recognized that
the San Antonio panel was in a bind: It couldn't assume that the state's maps were valid but
couldn't assume that they would be rejected, either.
The justices said the court's maps were close to the state's version in some ways but deviated too
far in others. New interim districts, the high court said, should use the state's maps as a starting
point and follow lawmakers' policy judgments except where they obviously or likely violate the
law or "stand a reasonable probability" of not getting the D.C. court's approval.
It's too soon to know what that means for Davis' central Fort Worth Senate district. She has
argued that the Legislature intentionally split African-American and Hispanic neighborhoods that
helped elect her, but the Justice Department, which found fault with the state's House and
congressional redistricting, didn't object to the Senate plan.
Friday's ruling could end the congressional hopes of Veasey and Fort Worth City Council
member Kathleen Hicks. They planned to run for the court-drawn, Tarrant County-centered
District 33, vastly different from the Parker County-dominated district the Legislature preferred.
Because of population gains over the past decade, mostly among Hispanics, Texas gained four
seats in Congress, for 36 total. The Supreme Court said it was unclear whether the panel
designed District 33 to accommodate population growth, which is its job, or to boost the chances
of a minority candidate.
"If the District Court did set out to create a minority coalition district, rather than drawing a
district that simply reflected population growth, it had no basis for doing so," the justices said.
The lawyers and parties are expected to be in Washington until Thursday wrapping up the trial
there. It's going to be a tight squeeze, with a lot of people working virtually nonstop to produce
new interim maps. But the goal should be to draw fair districts and hold elections on schedule.
The process has already cost taxpayers dearly. More costly delays should be avoided if possible.
King poster emblematic of age of irreverence
Houston Chronicle
You might call this a requiem for reverence.
It seems that one Jeffrey Darnell Paul, a graphic artist from Miami Beach, had been tasked with
creating a poster for a strip club's so-called "I Have A Dream Bash" last week in apparent
"honor" of the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. So this genius concocts an image of the nation's
greatest human rights leader holding up a fan of $100 dollar bills like some low rent "playa"
while a scantily clad woman looks on. Paul, let the record show as African-Americans duck their
heads in mortification, is black.
But, though he's the one whose transgression made national news and the one who has been
fielding angry phone calls from sea to shining sea, let the record further show that he is not the
only individual to use King's image that way. A Google search reveals that clubs in at least two
other cities (Pensacola, Fla., and Baltimore) also thought it a grand idea to pair King with barely
dressed hoochie mamas to commemorate what would have been his 83rd birthday had he not
been shot in the face and killed while fighting for freedom and economic justice.
Perhaps we ought not be surprised. It is not exactly a secret that America is a nation of illiterates
where its history is concerned.
But Paul's transgression speaks to more than just the shortcomings of the ignorant. It speaks also
to an overriding shallowness, an obsession with the superficial and trivial that seems
unfortunately characteristic of this era. It was difficult to look on that poster without feeling that,
OK, here we are, this is finally it, the moment when reverence died. But of course, one can hardly
get through the day anymore without feeling that. Reverence dies repeatedly in a nation where
ironic distance and postmodern cynicism are worn like armor to protect against the possibility
one might accidentally feel something profound or hear some deep, affecting truth.
What a difference a generation makes.
Maybe you are old enough to remember when "reverence" became passe and its antonym,
"irreverence," became the byword of American culture. Like a blast of cold air into a stifling
room, it blew away the tyranny of the excessively earnest and the stiffly proper, refused to bow
before cobwebbed notions of propriety, skewered sacred cows with infectious abandon. It was
culture as dividing line, the bright Rubicon between Bob Hope and Lenny Bruce, Henry Fonda
and Jane Fonda, Bing Crosby and Funkadelic. In a real sense, it represented the liberating of the
American mind.
But decades later, it sometimes feels as if irreverence has instituted a tyranny all its own, a ban
against holding anything above the fray, or regarding anything as too sacred for too long. Worse,
this new tyranny seems to portend less the liberating of the American mind than the calcifying of
the American heart against the very notion of sacred things.
So Paul's poster and the event it advertises suggest not just ignorance, but a profound
unseriousness, a sense of emotional retardation unworthy of grownup people. In this, Paul is not
unique. Rather, he is emblematic. For what it's worth, he says it never crossed his mind people
would find his poster offensive.
Actually, that's the most offensive thing about it.